If Jeremy Corbyn comes to power on the tail of Boris Johnson’s resignation, that would represent a decisive break from the status-quo of British politics going back for decades. While Corbyn does lead the establishment Labor Party, siding with capitalist parliamentarianism, he does not have the confidence of the majority of Labor MPs since his voting record places him in opposition to their policies. Kerensky, similarly did not follow in the steps of the Cadets, who themselves sought a liberal constitution, an 8 hour day, and the right to strike, little different from the majority of Labor MPs today.

This open division in Labor, mirroring the Cadet-Social Revolutionary divide, precisely accounts for his popular election by Labor rank and file, which Trotskyism has historically categorized as a working-class rank and file. The workers have moved passed the Cadets and Prince Lvov onto Kerensky and the SRs.

While Lenin urged revolutionaries to completely distrust the Provisional Government, which protected him and guaranteed his freedom through the July days and into October, he also saw the February Revolution as a cause to return from Zurich, Switzerland back to Petrograd, Russia to officially retake the leadership of the Bolshevik Party. The Caretaker Government of Corbyn, which may come to power in coming months will represent a shift in power after a long decline that began with the Brexit referendum of 2016, followed by the resignation of David Cameron. This new Government cannot be trusted. Still, the uprising of the people can no longer be ignored. Socialist economic transformation is on the agenda, including a break from U.S.-led imperialist outbursts. The final Stages of the revolutionary confrontation have clearly drawn near.

David Cameron had represented an EU tsarism, while Theresa May emerged from the Conservative Party split as a leader of the Brexiter-Cadets, breaking the power of the decades old anti-democratic institution that drove Europe back to the days of nationalist congresses with no real power overseen by empires in distant, often German-dominated foreign imperialist capitals. Not only should socialists support Brexit, but going much further, should support the total break up of the EU and the complete renegotiation of European Unity based primarily upon the defense of working class power and the common ownership of the means of production. The EU constitution, like the Republic of Russia, only concentrates the power within the hands of the trusted representatives of European banks, finance houses, and corporations.

The party needs to side clearly with the revolutionary break up of the EU to ensure that the far right does not use the inevitable break up to turn Britain into a political prison for the working class, where national economic decline becomes the argument for extreme austerity, political repression, and horrific exploitation. A break up of the EU may appear horrifying, a symbol of a coming war. Yet Lenin, during WWI, urged his followers not into pacifism but to “turn the imperialist war into a revolutionary war”. The descent into war actually represents an ascent into direct action with the direct aim of taking power over all the European capitals for the primary purpose of transferring the ownership of society’s production from a parasitical oligarchy and a favored upper stratum back to the creators of that wealth, the working class majority.

Sadly, the above views do not reflect the views of the ICFI nano-bureaucracy. For this reason, Democratic Power must form as an independent faction to advocate a reassessment of the current positions of the Party and realign them according to principles of the greatest Marxists of the Russian Revolution. Democratic Power organized independently and gaining fair, democraticly just access to the membership, can end the obsolete factional dictatorship and restore the Fourth International the principles it stood for since the establishment of the Left Opposition in the Declaration of the 46.