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From @RandomPoster33, an independent and censored contributor to WSWS.ORG comments section and advocating for a Fourth International Government

Comment to Louis Proyect

Your denunciation of “class-reductionism” gives you the appearance of a fink upon the movement who focuses his activity on turning in everything revolutionary. That viewpoint puts you into conflict with all revolutionary politics. Your references to the WSWS and Trotskyism appear to be neo-conservative in nature. Essentially, the race question…

Your denunciation of “class-reductionism” gives you the appearance of a fink upon the movement who focuses his activity on turning in everything revolutionary. That viewpoint puts you into conflict with all revolutionary politics. Your references to the WSWS and Trotskyism appear to be neo-conservative in nature.

Essentially, the race question needs a social context within which to exist. That context, with relation to the United States, always was and still is Capitalism. Racism exists in its modern form as an ideology created by the ruling class to divide the working class. For this reason, you will find that racism makes victims of the workers far more systematically than it does the rich capitalists.

Your outing of various intellectuals for reformist positions points to an unhealthy obsession. Lenin’s strategy of exposure focused on showing the class nature of the state and helping workers to come to revolutionary conclusions as a result. Your exposure of various intellectuals does not appear to come from a determination to build a revolutionary leadership to overcome the state politically. What relation do they have to any revolutionary organization or party? Why do you tie the workers to them through relentless criticism? They appear to be bourgeois reformists, uninterested in revolutionary struggle. What threat do they pose, then, except as magnified and amplified by your obsession?

The real threat of reformism must come from within the International itself. Leaders such as Kautsky and Bernstein rose to prominence within the revolutionary parties of Social Democracy. Their role did not involve simply defending reformism theoretically but in turning revolutionary parties with hundreds of thousands or millions of working class members away from revolutionary policies towards opportunism and chauvinism. He also criticized such intellectuals as Bogdanov, who had joined the Bolsheviks and remained a Bolshevik through the revolution of 1917. These were Lenin’s targets, not the various reformists who came nowhere near the International. You exaggerate their importance in history.

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