While ignoring clear scientific and historical evidence, in the name of combating the obscure theories of “conspiracy theorists” or “Presentism,” characterizes the new method of the Nanobureaucracy, the evidence continues to mount. The power imparted to Lenin by virtue of his leadership of the party eventually undid him. Direct control over the party went to Stalin and Kamenev in Lenin’s absence. Upon his return to Russia, he had to struggle against the leadership of the Bolshevik Party to regain control over the party’s political approach. Trotsky remained out of the party until after Lenin’s victory against Stalin and Kamenev’s centrist line, compromising with the bourgeoisie and abandoning the proletariat.
As the situation stood, the theory guiding the October Revolution existed outside the party and outside its leadership. Only mass participation by the workers, not criminal tactics, could bring the revolutionary party under the control of the professionally developed revolutionary theory. The criminals representing compromise and betrayal, working in the gray areas, had to take a back seat for Lenin and Trotsky. They did not lose their positions for Russia lacked an educated workforce capable of replacing them in their roles. (In the twenty-first century, that problem has largely resolved itself through a well-educated global workforce.) As a result of sentimental loyalty to these backwards forces, Lenin and eventually almost the entire leadership of the revolution fell victim to the counter-revolutionary purges.
During the Civil War and the scarcity produced, mass participation fell. This should have brought about a more formal adherence to rules and the establishment of multiple parties. That view had widespread support, but as a result of various factors, a one-party, factional dictatorship formed around Lenin, a well-known, trusted leader, an inadvertent Bonapartist figure. This led to his poisoning according to the process explained in the Declaration of the 46. The only way factions could fight for power within the new government under factional tyranny involved secret, illegal means and dangerous levels of animosity. Poison likely gained popularity as a means of influencing bureaucrats to divert finances from the military and police towards social ends. At the same time, it undermined faith in the ability of the government to stabilize the new economic relations established by the revolution.
Only Democratic Power takes these lessons into account when preparing the revolutionary leadership of the next waves of revolutions, or the next central explosion of the world revolution. It depends on the demands of the membership for their own rights, including the right to organize factions and demand professionalism over neglect and over slander from the leadership. The silence regarding the Declaration of the 46 and the origins of the Left Opposition has at its heart a compromise exchanging neglect for neglect, but for a growing number of politically minded people, there can be no cause for abandonment of the revolution. Who these people are will become clear in the minds of the people in general and their organization will emerge as the Democratic Power Faction of the Fourth International. Lenin left us a paper trail showing Stalin with poison, but an unliable political officialdom would never follow these leads.
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