Trotsky “floated like a cork in the ocean,” landing in Norway where Kollontai’s advanced planning punished him for his gas war tactics against the Tenth Congress. His gas war general, Mikhail Tukhachevsky, served in the Tsar’s army, fell prisoner to the German army, imprisoned for two years and seven months, and was released in September 1917 by Kerensky’s government. Tukhachevsky was a nobleman with rank and spoke fluent French. His German prison sentence included a shared prison cell with Charles de Gaulle, the French General who founded the Fifth Republic of France and served as France’s first President after the Nazi occupation. To assume that Stalin alone prepared the Soviet Union for a restoration of capitalism is to ignore Trotsky’s own close relationship with bourgeois head of state De Gaulle and his use of gas weapons to control the slogans of the Tambov rebellion to make them appear to be the reactionaries. At the same time, he employed Tukhachevsky who, through engineered famines and gas war, militarized the Tenth Congress.

General Tukhachevsky, known as the “Red Bonaparte,” opposed Marxist philosophy in his writing and in personal accounts of his conversations. His arguments about crossing borders to overthrow governments could be used to justify the destruction of Hungary’s revolution in 1968. The defense of Trotsky inevitably leads to the defense of Napoleon Bonaparte and the use of artillery combined with engineered famine to restore class oppression and the systematic elimination of working class leaders.

The #Democratic_Power_Faction therefore stands by its demand for a net worth cap for the executive leadership of the revolutionary party. Furthermore, we emphasize that we do not deny gas weapons or nuclear weapons to the revolution but to aristocrats, bourgeois friends of De Gaulle and the like, and known opponents of Marxist philosophy driven by personal devotion to their bourgeois mates. We see the battle unfolding like this: the rebels captured artillery from the Red Army (a known fact) to use to defend democracy at the Tenth Congress against Bolshevik elite militarization. Even of they were right-wing, that would make them supporters of the Democratic Centralism faction as opposed to the Workers’ Opposition on the Left. The gas weapons arrived at the same time as General Tukhachevsky, but he did not need formal orders to transfer gas weapons until gas weapons fell into the hands of rebels or at least their supply route. The formal orders required the approval of Lenin and Trotsky, meaning Tukhachevsky had already stationed soldiers among the delegates to the Tenth Congress, forcing them to abandon their positions in the Congress to fight directly in battle with the supporters of the “Soviets without Bolsheviks.” In the mean time, Lenin and Trotsky had to submit to the expert security opinion of De Gaulle’s ally in the Bolshevik leadership. Their lives were at risk if they did not accept that the Democratic Centralism and Workers’ Opposition factions, the factions representing the real voice of the revolution, would be banned so that the Russian revolution could be murdered by the tens of millions. They had to die anyway for their betrayal. Kollontai, Pankhurst, and others survived because of their commitment to the expansion of democracy into the daily life of the working class.

Not only the weapons in the hands of Tsarist German agents but the militarization of Congress and the Soviets to replace elected leaders by and of the working class made Trotsky a legitimate target for assassination. The secrecy behind his submission in no way proves his innocence but should clarify to the workers that the revolution is far from an intellectual task as the Russian Marxists falsely claimed. Pankhurst, Gramsci and others saw activism and cultural production as the main vehicle to public consciousness. Intellectual production for limited political ends is the response necessary to invalidate access to weapons for the capitalist class and the aristocracy. We must work on systematically revoking access to any direct servants of the #Nanobureaucracy that approached the party from the military or any surveillance network in corporate management or the state. These elements just want to ride the Nanobureaucrat into power like the Red Bonaparte.

This anti-Marxist or Russian Marxist conspiracy against Marxism as a whole brought Trotsky’s enemy from his Left, Mikhail Frunze, who had an anti-aristocratic class-based Marxist view of the military, especially focused on removing Tsarist officials like Trotsky and De Gaulle’s ally, Tukhachevsky, from the official hierarchy of the army. The revolution seemed to gain the advantage in this sense when Frunze replaced Trotsky as the Bolsheviks’ Commissar of War in 1925. Immediately after replacing Trotsky, Frunze, who defended the Marxist dialectic in military science following logically Engels’ Dialectics of Science, fell ill to an ulcer from which he died months later. Traitors of the revolution have everything to gain from pinning these circumstances erroneously on Stalin when Trotsky promoted the Tsarist Tukhachevsky and used him to unleash gas weapons produced and stored by the Tsarist army. Trotsky, also, from the materialist standpoint, had the most to gain from this apparent poisoning of his replacement, but Stalin seemed to shield Trotsky from guilt by his paying close attention to Frunze’s medical care afterwards. In that sense, the two cooperated against Frunze as a potential threat from the lower ranks of the Red Army. Frunze had challenged Trotsky’s open betrayal of Marxism on the issue of military science. While Frunze himself hesitated to name Tukhachevsky personally, (and paid with his life, indicating the importance of fighting David North and his “Bolsheviks without Soviets” allies by name) his favoring of an authentic Marxist military leadership posed a threat. They would remember the gas weapons used against the Tenth Congress to cement aristocratic rule within the Bolshevik government and the restoration of capitalism as a means of suppressing class conflict. The lower ranks of the Red Army could independently militarize a new Congress and restore democracy to the Soviets, but they could not accomplish this we a complete break from Bolshevism and a realignment with the exiled Kollontai, the Workers’ Opposition, and their international allies Antonio Gramsci and Sylvia Pankhurst. Gramsci explicitly challenged Trotsky on his opposition to Marxism in favor of the class-bias of Tsarist military officials. He blamed this on Trotsky’s organic composition as an enemy of the working class and a devotee of a cell-mate of Charles de Gaulle.