1. https://x.com/randomposter33/status/2003546278785913162?s=46
Marx and Engels, as well as Lenin and Trotsky, and finally Debs and Norman Thomas, all worked within racist epistemology rather than rebelling against it. Hegel’s dialectics borrowed heavily from Eastern Philosophy and this prepared the ground for the first Opium War. Doing otherwise would have erased them from the record. Even Maoism, with Mao’s teacher and father of his second wife studying in Europe to submit to Eurocentric epistemology, continues in that tradition, censoring Chinese thought to make it serve Russian Marxism and through that European capital. To conquer countries, Europe also conquered institutions of higher education, not just the higher ranks of the state.
National liberation against imperialism will create opportunities for freedom of thought in the former colonies where European colonization is defeated. Here is some information on academic journals countering Epistemic Racism:
2. https://x.com/randomposter33/status/2003559377232625800?s=46
Sylvia Pankhurst, editor of the UK’s largest Marxist newspaper in 1917, leader of the British proletariat and political heir to Marx’s London-based movement, wrote about the Milwaukee City Council in her book Suffragette in America.
Marxist feminism and anti-colonialism provided the way forward for the real Marxist revolution based on the British proletariat and the rest of the European proletariat behind it. This was British chauvinism opposed to Russian chauvinism in the Bolshevik party but a real recognition of the historical development of capitalism and the political leadership of the revolutionary movement contradicted by imperialist state spying. Marxism had to turn to slogans to lead the crowd, and the most divisive issue was the right to vote, not only for women and oppressed nations, but for workers in the factories, as well as soldiers in their garrisons. Marxist feminism meant defense of female leadership when the church and prison deactivated them politically in favor of men, but it also meant arming the women to form a women’s army, defense of army widows, and organization of munitions factory workers that during the war consisted mostly of women.
Pankhurst’s anti-colonialism ptioritized over anti-fascism had to do with the suppression of Petrichenko’s comrades, the censorship of their personal identity documents, by Trotsky’s anti-Marxist General Tukhachevsky, who shared a jail cell with De Gaulle. However, it also had to do with the Spanish revolution and Italian socialism, which built off of Petrichenko’s documents a powerful anarchist force free from Bolshevik suppression of the workers’ collectives. Gramsci’s work in 1919-1920 during the Italian revolution included contributions from Pankhurst, so her Marxism fit the ideological needs of her time. The overcoming the limitations of Marxism, then, is not an academic issue for university journals but moreso a job for a Marxist leaders themselves as organic rather than traditional intellectuals of Trotsky’s type. Pankhurst met with Marxist parties throughout Europe as part of the London Bureau to defend the cause of Ethiopia as a means of alerting Marxists that their leaders had betrayed them through a Marxist Nicene Conference establishing a Marxist Nicene Creed to contradict the Orthodox Arian Marxism defending Africa, Asia, India, the West of North America, and Central and South America from the British Empire and its European alliance that only temporarily divided in 1917 and during WWI and WWII. These Marxists associated with Luxemburg, Pankhurst, Gramsci, Kollontai, Munis, and Kaihui, as well as a few others like Mariàtagui. We should defend their record from Bolshevik political erasure to save Marxism using Marxism. This means defending the democratic rights that Marx cherished in London, above all the right to vote and freedom of speech and freedom of association. We need to move beyond this, however, by extending those rights to the rest of the world through a defense of national sovereignty against imperialist financial backing for client parties like the Greater Israel block of Netanyahu, who even War Criminal Ariel Sharon saw as too far right in 2005 before his 2006 stroke. We can see that imperialist censorship of colonized and oppressed nations forms the central argument for silence, for suppression of votes, for the feminization or demasculation of male Marxist leadership such as the imprisonment of Gramsci, the fear of Munis regarding LaCroix vs. Nin in 1930 and regarding unity with worker anarchists, and submission to a brother of Liebnecht, the enfeeblement of Lenin and Mao, the self-sabotage and international sabotage of Trotsky and the treason of Stalin, the long physical illnesses of General Frunze and Mariátegui, etc. All of these arguments for silence and opposition to the vote could only end with a defense of the feminine in Marxism and a resurrection of Kollontai and Pankhurst, Luxemburg and Kaihui, etc.


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