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From @RandomPoster33, an independent and censored contributor to WSWS.ORG comments section and advocating for a Fourth International Government

The Essentialism of Karl Marx-

Notes on Nick Beams’ Two Hundred Years Since the Birth of Karl Marx On Das Kapital: “A seminal work that analysed the laws of motion of capitalist economy, its writing was a feat never matched, rivalled, or even attempted since, by the bourgeois academy, for all its vast resources.” Karl…

Notes on Nick Beams’ Two Hundred Years Since the Birth of Karl Marx

On Das Kapital: “A seminal work that analysed the laws of motion of capitalist economy, its writing was a feat never matched, rivalled, or even attempted since, by the bourgeois academy, for all its vast resources.”

Karl Marx wrote Das Kapital, not to compete with the bourgeois academy, from which he obtained a doctorate, but to continue its work to its completion, to save humanity from ignorance and self-destruction. Marx’s grandsons also obtained advanced degrees. Women did not attend such institutions in those times, otherwise his daughters would similarly receive a university education. The system of higher education, which today educates around 200 million students annually, does base itself on many idealist notions, does find itself isolated at times by reaction from repressive authority, does ignore the active role of the people, in opposition to governments, as it relies to a large extent on state funding, and does reference itself while ignoring intellectual and artistic movements that stand in political opposition to their establishment views. Those 200 million students, however, will benefit from enhanced skills, training and preparation. Universities, especially the student body, have long had connections to revolutionary movements. Marx’s work, while not written in the university, benefited from his years of education and his doctorate.


He [Marx] withdrew from the public stage to undertake, at the age of just 25, a critical re-examination of the philosophy of Hegel, in order, as he put it later, to dispel the doubts assailing him, namely that the state was the embodiment of reason.

If the state is the embodiment of reason, then reason is the abstract essence of the state. This definition of the essence of the state could not satisfy Marx, because of his fundamental disagreement with the German state, but that did not mean that the state did not have some essence, some essential, non-physical aspect to its being which allowed it to be reproduced repeatedly and throughout the world. This essence, he would discover, along with other philosophers, is not reason but historical compromise between conflicting societies and groups or classes within society, what Jean-Jacque Rousseau described in his 1762 book, “The Social Contract.”

This leaves out the question of the embodiment of reason. The state may not be the embodiment of reason, but that does not prove that none exists. Marx argues that reason, order that proceeds from consciousness, prior to the enlightenment came from monks, but since then, reason has found its embodiment in the philosopher.


“The solution [to social environment vs. social consciousness] lay in the discovery of an objective social process, which did not depend on public opinion, but which determined both the social environment and social consciousness. The discovery of this social process lay at the heart of the development of the materialist conception of history.”

The social process formed the basis of the investigation into the German state and its essence, the German Ideology.


“What is being equated in the exchange relation where 20 yards of linen equals one coat? What is the common quality they have? It cannot have anything to do with their use values—because they are different things.”

This argument is missing something. The use values can have a common quality because they can be purchased and consumed by a single person. They must weigh the benefit they derive from having the one or the other, and they must decide when there is a balance, at 19 yards, at 21 yards, or at 20 yards when neither provides more use value than the other.


“The dual character of labour”

The use-value and the exchange-value:

The workers sell their labor power, not their labor. The capitalist pays them for their labor power, their ability to work for the day, while taking the entire product of their labor, regardless of the price.

“In the first case, the bushel of wheat is the product of the labour of a slave who is owned by his master. He has not produced a commodity, that is, a material thing destined for exchange. In the second case, the same thing has been produced, but that thing, that product of labour, is embedded in an entirely different set of social relations.”

This does not seem clear enough. The slave seems to have produced a commodity, which his master can then sell. This aspect seems no different from the case of the wage worker, who produces a bushel of wheat that he does not own, which the owner then sells. Beams is talking about the peasant farmer, who owns his land and sells the product of his work himself.

This does not illustrate the “simplest social form in which the product of labor in contemporary society manifests itself”, to which Marx referred, which is that of the product of the wage laborer, who accepts wages in exchange for labor, while the product of his labor remains entirely in the possession of the capitalist. The ownership of the commodity by the capitalist requires Marx’s analysis to demystify it, to make this relation to the commodity clear within the historical context of the emergence and decline of capitalism.

Otherwise, the bourgeois economists’ position stands, that the capitalist has only bought two or three commodities, one of which is labor, and combined them to form a new commodity.

[Minor edit added on Marx’s daughters.]

[Minor edit to correct typos.]

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2 responses to “The Essentialism of Karl Marx-”

  1. What is the purpose of this criticism? Do you want to say Beams is a bourgeois economist? I don’t think the audience is so dense as to totally misconstrue what Beams is saying, if you are saying Beams is leaving himself open to questioning because he is not covering some objections to various wordings. Two commodities are weighed each other different on the market than they would be in the subjective preferences of an individual who goes to the market, anyone can figure this out, it would be a petty objection to say otherwise. Beams says the state is an outcome of material forces rather than purely rational forces, i.e. it is a secondary, or as we say, super-structural feature of human society, rather than a fundamental one as it is for Hegel. So Beams is right in pointing out that Marx put Hegel upside down on this issue. Of course the state still has “reason” behind it, but it is a secondary expression of more fundamental processes. The state also has changed through time, with shifts in the mode of production, in quite revealing ways. So overall I do not understand why there is this objection to Beams’ presentation on Marx.

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  2. His argument, besides containing a mistake, leaves in place many bourgeois economist arguments. It allows them to continue to argue that the capitalist creates value by buying various commodities, among them labor, and putting them together, giving rise to a new commodity with new value. Marx argues that the workers create the value in the process of production. Marx’s argument, from the standpoint of ethical argument, eliminates the need for much of bourgeois economics, because if the exchange-value or the assets in discussion originated from an unjust contract, then before any further discussion on their proper allocation, those assets should be redistributed, through common ownership, to their true owners. Many of the current arguments would be reassigned to a special branch of economics, something like criminal psychology, perhaps named criminal economics, to describe the criminal misallocation of assets stolen from billions of workers on a world scale.

    About the state and reason: Marx argued that reason, philosophy, and subjectivity could play a large role within the material world. The outcome of a conflict between ideas in the mind lead to definite acts, as well as changes in habits and behaviors. The reason for the state, its essence apart from specific material, must be tackled and wrestled with, rather than ignored as insignificant when compared to the more “fundamental” or “material” processes. To do otherwise would leave the state in place. The reason must be extracted and run through various tests until the reason behind the revolution, which the state puts through equally rigorous examination, can take greater precedence within the consciousness. Those who fear such a task could argue as Cicero did about the Gods, showing the various common arguments in favor of faith failed logical examination, but in the end side with faith nonetheless, side with the reemergence of the state after the revolution nonetheless. Ignoring this subjective side of Marx, seen most clearly in his Theses on Feuerbach, undermines all efforts to combat the state within reasoned argument.

    To clarify, I argue Nick Beams writes about economics from a Marxist standpoint for a Marxist publication, as Trotskyism is Marxism. This means that Marx remains the authority, and deviations from his argument demand open acknowledgement and satisfactory explanations. I do not believe that Nick Beams deviated on purpose, and so it should suffice to see his errors in the contradictions between his arguments and those of Marx. As he appears to be the leading economist of the ICFI, this argument pushes forward the understanding of economics by humanity in general; gives workers proof that in the event of a failure for the ICFI, the errors could be found within the work of the leadership of the movement and not in an inherent failure of human capacity for revolution; and it could reach the screen of Nick Beams or other party leaders, leading to a change of heart, and a change in the factional balance of power.

    “The chief defect of all hitherto existing materialism – that of Feuerbach included – is that the thing, reality, sensuousness, is conceived only in the form of the object or of contemplation, but not as sensuous human activity, practice, not subjectively.”
    -Karl Marx “Theses on Feuerbach”

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