https://x.com/randomposter33/status/2115337359038230604?s=46
https://x.com/randomposter33/status/2115365448564830608?s=46
The best Marxist leaders were Sylvia Pankhurst and Alexandra Kollontai, but CLR James had written praises for Pankhurst in World Revolution 1937. They also supported Council Communist views, which is the theory that most clarifies why revolutionary socialists have not united the leadership of the working class and all anti-capitalist, oppressed groups. Pankhurst supported a Coordination Center to unite the Fourth International and Marxist revolutionary groups. We should also agree with anti-vanguardist views, because the vanguard are in fact officially subordinates of the capitalist courts and the parliamentarian parties. Lenin’s vanguard assumes that official scientific research does not accept censorship and conformity requirements with regard to imperialist church doctrine as well as eugenicist, neo-Malthusian, oil monopoly climate denial, and free-market, neoliberal ideology. We know very well that scientific institutions hold the same biases as the dominant national church, such as the Russian Orthodox Church in Lenin’s time. Vanguardism cannot surpass these limitations without a dialectic approach to spontaneous consciousness that introduces the idea of spontaneous reaction by pervasive ideology, conformist media home economics, and domestic spying, including academic spying and corporate spying.
After all, the scientific debate over spontaneity removed the false assumption of spontaneous generation, meaning spontaneous consciousness as the origin of working class thought should itself fall under deep suspicion. The embryo of socialist consciousness he describes could equally be seen as the embryo produced by a socialist utopian father, the clergyman’s son, and any working class mother, the material of revolutionary organization. The real revolutionary movement, however, proved the limitation was in Lenin as it was in Feuerbach. The working class produced, not accidental women, but a flood of conscious revolutionary fighters to shred to pieces the defenders of the old order even as they functioned in the minds of leading revolutionaries. When women were not present, the battle continued in the form of an unbreakable horizontal hierarchy that capitalism could not reproduce even with an endless repetition of attempts. The revolution produced, as Sylvia Pankhurst described, hand-written notes between workers that described secret government attacks on the leadership of the revolution. They produced a newspaper that had a circulation many times higher the reported number, because the workers would pass the writing around in secret. When Chernyshevsky described the “new people,” as opposed to the New Testament or the Good News, he described a movement based on the production of textiles on one side and the secret production of dynamite (implicit, not explicit as the vagueness of their political activity elicits more effectively the connection between illegal opinions in illegal documents and illegal substances) on the other. So, Lenin merely legalized this view by advocating for a new constitution in a newspaper rather than attempting to influence the Tsar.
Sophia Perovskaya, Coordinator or Operational Commander of the People’s Will assassination of Tsar Alexander II,(the Tsar that freed the serfs in 1861 with the Emancipation Manifesto) once told a younger member:
“Don’t think, Lila, that the press is any less necessary and valuable to the party’s work than throwing bombs.” Despite being the Governor of St. Petersburg’s daughter, she was an executive committee member for the multi-city organization, which also produced newspapers and leaflets until 1886, the year Lenin’s brother joined.
The Nobel family lived in Russia from 1837 until 1917, leaving after the October Revolution. Alfred and his parents left in 1859 while his brother stayed to expand their oil empire. In 1863, Chernyshevsky published his What is to Be Done? Perhaps he and perhaps Lenin as well meant say, “What Have We Done?” … 1/2
https://x.com/randomposter33/status/2115365448564830608?s=46
In 1864, Nobel lost his brother Emil in an explosion. 1866, one year after the Civil War ended and 5 years before the Paris Commune, major accidents involving dynamite production occurred in San Francisco, Hamburg, Panama, (near the Panama railroad before the digging of the canal) and Russia (where Nobel’s other brother still lived.) Dynamite was patented in 1864 with a blasting cap and in 1867 in its more stable form. In 1862, Chernyshevsky went to prison and exile, while his Land and Liberty group dissolved in 1864. It reformulated in 1876 under the same name, then divided into two groups in 1879:
Plekhanov-led Black Partition and the People’s Will, the organization Lenin’s brother would join and die for. In 1881, Tsar Alexander II was assassinated by the dynamite of the People’s Will. In 1883, Marx passed away, Chernyshevsky finally left exile, and Plekhanov founded his Emancipation of Labor Group, which Lenin would later join in 1895. That same year, Eleanor Marx and Edward Aveling, so that these four events in 1883 would create a balance for Marxism out of the four dynamite explosions of 1866. Thus we see that Chernyshevsky, who died a free man in 1889, had not skipped over Hegel and reached Feuerbach as Engels and later Plekhanov and then Lenin had all assumed. In fact, their divergence from Chernychevsky was really a split from Marx and Danielson, whose theory of the peasant commune Marx defended. The inevitability of capitalist destruction of communal property served as their Hegelian, Neo-Kantian position in contradiction with the materialist position defending the right to common property.
Eurasianist scholars have agreed with Chernychevsky, Marx, and Danielson, but Marx’s 1883 death, Chernychevsky’s 1883 release from exile, and other factors prevented Marxism from developing a Eurasianist theory of Russian history, especially emphasizing the friendly relations between the Mongol administration and tax collection authority and the local communal property authority. Russian authorities inherited the entire structure of the Mongol authority they displaced and allowed the centralized government to enact racialist documentation overhauls in secret without removing the existing property or the property relations represented by peasant commune authority combined with Mongol empire administration and taxation. We should not fall into Lenin’s trap for Marxists, a trap associated with the Nobel family’s exit from Russia and the fall of the Tsar. The end of cultural extermination and the suppression of science associated with Tsarism did not restore Marx and Danielson’s views or allow their natural combination with Eurasian historical research. Marxist and post-Marxist philosophy based on scientific socialist or anti-Eurocentric or anti-colonial views could have united with Marx-Danielson and then continued onward to Eleanor Marx-Aveling or Pankhurst-Kollontai. This would have required a factional war against capitalism within the Marxist movement that could replace the vanguard elite of Leninism with the Marx-Chernychevsky-Danielson “new people” theorists of a commune-communist continuity above party dictatorship and the class oppression of the proletariat as a means to achieve revolutionary violence that imperialist state bureaucracy would control like dynamite against local authority and common property.
-#Democratic_Power_Faction
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